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THE Afghan war’s end and USSR’s collapse led to Talibanisation (spread of Taliban ideology, practice and militant tactics). After USSR left Afghanistan in 1989, thousands of mujahideen with arms and networks remained, fuelling the Taliban’s rise from refugee camps and madressahs. They interpreted Islamic law strictly. By 1996, their control extended to parts of Afghanistan. When the US invaded Afghanistan, they moved to Fata, where local militants formed alliances and created TTP, leading to Talibanisation. They attacked schools, LEAs and security forces and set up parallel governance entities.
The British had focused on territorial separation, tribal autonomy under FCR, governance via political agents and collective punishment instead of creating courts in these areas. They didn’t invest in the barren tribal belt; the British-Indian army used coercion. From 1877 to 1947, they tried to understand tribal dynamics. Limited control was kept via political agents and local militias, and tribal interaction through maliks. These areas were free from police, courts and taxes. Political agents, mostly ex-military men, spoke fluent Pashto and knew the tribal culture.
In 1901, NWFP was created as a chief commissioner province, becoming governor-ruled in 1932. Princely states Swat, Dir, Chitral and Amb were merged into NWFP in 1969. In 1937, a legislature was formed. In 1955, NWFP was merged into West Pakistan; in 1970, its provincial status was restored. As part of Gilgit Agency until 1934, Kohistan was governed under FCR. Then its control was given to NWFP. Kala Dhaka (district Torghar) was under FCR until 2011. FCR robbed tribal people of their rights. When displaced, globalisation and Talibanisation impacted tribal youth who were exposed to political rights. Most fluctuated between absolute and relative deprivation. Tribal areas were governed by riwaj, but post 9/11, a mix of religion and culture was accepted.
Fata’s merger was the right step.
Tribal areas were Special Areas under Article 218 (1-a) of the 1956 constitution. Article 223 of the 1962 constitution curbed enforcement of central and provincial laws there, unless the president or governor directed otherwise. Fata stood administratively isolated; the price is widespread terrorism. Earlier, tribes in remote areas opposed modernity. But technology and globalisation erased barriers. Though poor, tribes welcomed Afghan refugees, but militancy and kinetic steps caused displacement, exposing them to globalisation and urbanisation. Older people were nostalgic for conservative ideals; the youth focused on modernity. Attracted to protests, they shuttled between nationalist and religious fervour, narrowing the gap between tribalism and modernism.
The merger was the right step — from exclusion to inclusion. Merging Levies and Khasadars into police aims for law enforcement uniformity. Post-merger, the shift from illegal business and smuggling to mining and trade, devolution of political power and the criminal justice system will strengthen the state’s writ, but the merger’s aims are hard to achieve without easy public access to CJS. Provincial polls in the merged districts linked them with the provincial legislature and cabinet. Post-merger, polls allowed an MPA from Khyber to become chief minister.
Weak governance, poor education, poverty, sympathy or fear drew locals to Talibanisation, impacting women and education, and led to operations, deals and displacement. With Taliban regaining control in Afghanistan after the US exit, Talibanisation returned to the border areas, challenging state control. Sponsored militancy led to detribalisation. Fata’s merger has boosted KP’s role in national politics and the reform debate and may reduce space for ethnic politics, with Pakhtuns in tribal and settled areas given a chance to remain under one administrative umbrella.
Since the British era, reforms have been security-centric, often compromising administrative and sociopolitical well-being. So, merging security-centric and sociopolitical well-being is expected. Post 1947, the status quo was either maintained or cosmetic changes proposed, leading to chaos. But Fata’s merger via a constitutional amendment was historic; it needs more collaboration between the centre and provinces, and public support.
Post-merger Fata has been impacted by the Taliban takeover of Kabul, centre-province ties, selective reading of religion, ethnonationalism, disinformation and protests. Besides kinetic steps, peace needs socioeconomic investment, administrative reconsolidation, land settlement, mine disputes resolution, LGs backed by a functional CJS, and centre-province cooperation. Peace and economic development in the tribal areas will impact national internal security and bring dividends.
The writer is the author of Pakistan: In Between Extremism and Peace.
Published in Dawn, March 28th, 2026
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